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War crimes

(South African War Tribunal picture courtesy of qu301southafrica.com)

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa created in 1995 established a new paradigm for reparative justice that contrasted greatly with the Nuremburg trials. In Nuremburg, the victors of WWII historically addressed human right violations as an international community, as survivors of genocide and war atrocities were given a stage to tell their stories, and the suited men who wrote off the war mechanisms that crushed their lives were sentenced to death.

The Truth committees established towards the end of the twentieth century were asked to deliver the same cathartic trial, but for crimes that had been institutionalized in hundreds of years of colonialism. The common demonization of justice, war crimes investigator Richard Goldstone noted in “For Humanity” was what war victims, and even civil warring post-colonial factions, desired most.

But where justice is commonly seen as the death of the murderer, the Truth committees were ultimately created to find “truth” and corresponding facts–the committees were willing to offer amnesty to apartheid leaders like FW de Klerk if they were willing to provide information under that condition.

The committees were instrumental in creating a paradigm tribunal to process through the layers of institutionalized racial law typically rooted back in European colonization, but remain controversial in the affect they have on appropriating justice. The tribunals, war reporter John Richard Pilger criticized, brought to life a new form of multi-cultural capitalism as world politics and larger forces of globalized racism and classism factored into proceedings.

Ariel Dorfman expresses a similar discontent with the efficacy of the truth tribunals in “Death and the Maiden,” set in Chile just turning the page on a dictorial regime. The victimized protagonist, Paulina, who was abducted during the civil strife, comes face to face with the torturer when he toes her husband, Gerardo who gets stranded with flat tire on the road back home.

Gerardo invites Miranda to stay the night, during which Paulina ties him to a chair and digs through his car for evidence to corroborate her accusations. She finds a tape of Schubert’s “Death and the Maiden” that was played during her torture sessions.

Both men are scared of wrath of the gun-wielding Paulina, and decide that confessing would allow Miranda to escape with his life. The play holds up the raw emotion of the victim, and the complexities of meting out the death sentence on an criminal individual who is not idiosyncratic, but one of many.

Goldstone evokes the play in his text “In Humanity” to exemplify the insurmountable feelings a human rights tribunal brings to the surface. Miranda deserves to be dealt with as a criminal, but the dictatorship that created him cannot be put on trial. As human rights abuses continue to soar in the Middle East and is pronounced in developing countries, a global effort is needed if not to adequately address the human right violations, to listen to them.

As Paulina, Gerardo and Miranda (or his ghost) sit in the music hall as the curtain lifts to mirror, maybe the truth tribunals can have a similar post-modern moment and recognize their own politicized constraints, and count the strings that would them to even consider removing allegations of criminals like Klerk upon his request from their final report, as they did.

Earlier this month, I stumbled upon news that Burundi, a tiny landlocked country in the Great Lakes region of Africa, is currently in the process of setting up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Further research revealed that a Special Tribunal will be established alongside the TRC. According to Amnesty International, the guidelines for the creation of these justice mechanisms was in the 2000 Arusha Peace Accord, which ended Burundi’s 7 years civil war.

Brief background:

Burundi descended into civil war in 1993, when Melchior Ndadaye was assassinated. In a country with a long history of Tutsi-dominated rule, Ndadaye was the first Hutu and the first democratically elected President of Burundi. What happened after news of Ndadaye’s assassination broke out was, as Professor Rene Lemarchand of the University of Florida would argue, a genocide.According to Lemarchand, approximately “20,000 Tutsi men, women, and children were hacked to pieces or burned alive in October and November 1993 in an uncontrolled outburst of rage….”2 Burundi’s civil war with its genocidal tendencies (after all, most genocides occur within the context of war) was overshadowed and eclipsed by the 1994 Rwandan genocide. I am by no means comparing the human suffering caused by these two events; rather, I am merely pointing to the fact that Burundi’s 1993 genocide is not well-known. In fact, I myself was not aware of the 1993 genocide until recently.

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Human Rights Watch has recently put out a 38 page report documenting the executions and killings of civilians as well as the destruction of civilian property in Syria during peace plans negotiation. Throughout late March and early April, during UN special envoy Kofi Annan’s negotiations with the Syrian government to end the violence, the Syrian government forces attacked several towns in northern Idlib.

In the town Taftanaz, they surrounded with tanks and began shooting. The military then continued to move into the city burning and destroying several hundred houses of citizens. They also committed many extrajudicial executions, many of which took place in the town of Taftanaz. Thirty-five civilians were executed. At least 95 civilians have been killed in all. The killing and destruction of property qualify as war crimes as well as arbitrary detention and torture. “Everywhere we went, we saw burnt and destroyed houses, shops, and cars, and heard from people whose relatives were killed,” described Anna Neistat, associate director for program and emergencies at Human Rights Watch, “It was as if the Syrian government forces used every minute before the ceasefire to cause harm.”

http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/05/02/syria-war-crimes-idlib-during-peace-negotiations

At the beginning of April, the Office of the Prosecutor for the International Criminal Court issued its decision on the situation in Palestine, stating that is unable to proceed with its preliminary examination at this time.

The decision came over three years after the Palestinians submitted a declaration purporting to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statue of the ICC in order to trigger the jurisdiction of the Court as a non-party state to the Statute. The basis for this decision is that it did not have the authority to determine whether Palestine was a “state” for the purposes of the Rome Statute, but that it was for the ‘relevant bodies’ at the United Nations or the ICC Assembly of States Parties to make that legal determination.

On a press release that have been published by human rights organization Amnesty International, the organization attacks the ICC’s decision in this matter and defines it as a “dangerous statement”:

“This dangerous decision opens the ICC to accusations of political bias and is inconsistent with the independence of the ICC. It also breaches the Rome Statute which clearly states that such matters should be considered by the institution’s judges,” said Marek Marczyński, Head of Amnesty International’s International Justice campaign.

“For the past three years, the prosecutor has been considering the question of whether the Palestinian Authority is a “state” that comes under the jurisdiction of the ICC and whether the ICC can investigate crimes committed during the 2008-9 conflict in Gaza and southern Israel.”

“Now, despite Amnesty International’s calls and a very clear requirement in the ICC’s statute that the judges should decide on such matters, the Prosecutor has erroneously dodged the question, passing it to other political bodies.”

“Amnesty International once again calls on the Prosecutor to follow the procedures established by the Rome Statute by passing the matter to the judges, rather than frustrating efforts to bring justice to Palestinian and Israeli victims of the Gaza conflict.”

Amnesty International’s critique over the ICC is a good example for the involvement of politics  within the international justice system.  There are many cases where we can see that the way cases have been chosen, was influenced by political considerations .  One of the biggest source for the intervention of politics into the ICC doors is the Security Council’s referral of cases to the ICC. The ICC is a neutral judicial body, and it meant to be an apolitical body. However, as long as cases can be referred to the ICC by the United Nation Security Council, it cannot be clean from politics. Indeed, the United Nation is a political body where power, authority, and policies are taking an essential role.

There is no doubt that the ICC’s announcement that it cannot hear a case involving war crimes committed by Israel and Hamas during Operation Cast Lead, based on the fact that Palestine in not a state, and therefore does not fall under the court’s jurisdiction, is a political based decision.

Related links:

http://www.icc-cpi.int/NR/rdonlyres/C6162BBF-FEB9-4FAF-AFA9-836106D2694A/284387/SituationinPalestine030412ENG.pdf

http://www.amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/icc-prosecutor-statement-fears-over-justice-gaza-victims-2012-04-03

Huge news: Former Liberian president and notorious warlord Charles Taylor has just been found guilty of aiding and abetting crimes against humanity, murder, rape and terrorism.  The verdict, issued by the UN-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone, makes Taylor the first former head of state to be convicted of war crimes by an international or hybrid court since the Nuremberg Trial.

It is a landmark judgment by any measure.  Nonetheless, the IntLawGrrls blog calls the verdict a disappointment both for the prosecution and the defense.  It explains that the prosecution failed to show that Taylor was responsible under the doctrine of superior responsibility for the crimes of various armed groups (the RUF, AFRC, joint RUF-AFRC junta and/or Liberian fighters). The prosecution also did not prove that Taylor had ordered RUF or AFRC crimes in Sierra Leone.  The defense, on the other, failed to obtain an acquittal, with the court rejecting their claim that Taylor was an “elder statesman” who tried to bring peace to Sierra Leone.

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Libya says it is building its case against Gaddafi’s son, Saif al-Islam, as it is trying to persuade the ICC to allow for a local trial.The ICC issued a warrant for Saif’s arrest last year for crimes against humanity and his involvement in killing protesters during the revolt against his father’s regime. Tripoli has insisted that Saif can be tried fairly in his home country. The ICC chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, went to Libya this week as part of the ICC investigation and spoke with the National Transitional Council and the chief prosecutor of the case. He also traveled to Misrata, one of the bloodiest fights during the war, to investigate allegations of rape used as a weapon during the war. At a news conference this Saturday, Moreno-Ocampo mentioned that the case has strong evidence and over 30 witnesses but he doesn’t know all of the details because of most of the investigation must remain confidential at this stage.

This is major news on the Libyan front. As we know, the ICC can hand over the responsibility of trial over to the local government, in this case to the Libyan government, only if the country is both “willing and able” to investigate and prosecute. The concept of “willing and able” includes things like having the appropriate funding for trial (as well as an actual, safe place for the trial to go on), qualified judges and attorneys and maintaining the appropriate standards for evidence.

According to several human rights organizations looking into this situation, all of this is a tough burden to meet for the Libyan interim government because it is currently in a transitional phase in which Libya still has post-war problems within its borders.

“The Libyan government has yet to convince the former Zintan rebel fighters who captured Saif al-Islam to turn him over to its custody”

Libya cannot become the nation it wishes to become politically overnight. Is it a good idea to proceed with this case locally even if the Libyan nation is still unstable? Although trying alleged criminals on their own soil may be of great benefit to the Libyan people, will the trial be held to same standard of fairness as the ICC?

Stay tuned as Tripoli will outline all of the details of its case to the ICC April 30.

Here is the Reuters article on the matter: http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/04/21/us-libya-icc-idUSBRE83K09J20120421

If anyone is interested, Moreno-Ocampo, in his wonderful accent, spoke and answered some questions last year at Harvard on the Libya issue last year and has some insightful things to say about this case and what we’ve been talking about all semester. It also gives an excellent overview of what happened throughout the Libyan conflict and the UN response. The video is pretty long but it’s worth a look.

A video released by Al Jazeera on March 31st shows Ahmed Harun, governor of South Kordofan in Sudan indicted by the ICC for crimes against humanity in Darfur, telling Sudanese soldiers to “’take no prsioners’” (Al Jazeera article).

A representative from Khartoum said that Harun’s comments were taken out of context, and his calls to leave everyone dead were in reference only to Southern rebel forces—not civilians. The representative, Rabi Abdel Atti, further commented that these orders were not literal and must be understood within the local context of the war.

In response to Harun’s and Atti’s statements, ICC Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo discusses the past and current criminal acts of Harun and President Bashir.

Ocampo states the Harun’s call to take no prisoners would constitute a crime whether he is referring to killing soldiers or civilians; killing soldiers instead of taking them prisoner, given the opportunity, is a war crime, and killing civilians under the same circumstances is a crime against humanity. “’A commander has a responsibility to ensure that his troops are not violating the law. He cannot encourage them to commit crimes,’” said the Chief Prosecutor.

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Last Friday the city of Sarajevo marked the twentieth anniversary of the start of the Bosnian war. There were 11,541 red chairs lined up in rows along Sarajevo’s main street — one for every man, woman and child killed in the siege of the city.

The following short video gives a sense of what life in Sarajevo was like during the siege years –